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International Medieval Congress
Universtiy of Leeds
8-11 July2002
Hohenstaufen And Their Arab Subjects
And Moslems Against Excommunication
By
Prof. Mahinoud Said Omaran
University of Alexandria
Faculty of Arts
Alexandria
- Egypt


The conflict between the Empire and the Papacy started before
Hohenstaufen dynasty, it had a great effect in medieval Europe and the Crusades, and divided the Europians into parties, Ghibellines which supported the Emperor and the Guelfs which backed the Papacy. This research goes in three directions, an introduction, the relationships between Hohenstaufen rulers and the Moslems ruler in Egypt and Syria, and with Moslem subjects in Sicily and south Italy.


There are three reasons for this conflict, the first was the lay Investiture, the second was the failure of the fifth Crusade, and the third was the suzerainty for some territory in Italy and Sicily.


It we starte from Charlemagne king of the Franks who hold the Imperial title since 800, we can remarke that title was a mixed blessing. No European ruler asked for this title except the German , so the Pope who granted this title must be on good terms with the German ruler. (1),

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Anthor critical point started in the relation between East and the West. The Byzantine Empire was ruled for the first time in its history by an Empress. Irene, mother of the Emperor Constatin VI (680-97), had deposed her son, had him blinded, and ascended the throne herself. Thus Charlemagne could argue with some justice that the Imperial office was legally vacant since 476, and that by assuming the crown he became the sole Roman Emperor. Irene at first refused to recognize her rival, and the two Empires stood face to face
(2).

 
When was the year 862 Otto I of Germany (936-73) revived the westen Empire of Charlemagne by assuming dignity, the Byzantine Emperor Romanus V (959 - 963) was less alarmed by his new title by his ambition to absorb the Emperor’s Italian possessions. For ten years, the two Emperos waged war upon each other in southern Italy without much success on either side. In 972 peace was made by marriage between Theophana, daughter of Romans II and the future Emperor Otto II. The later (973-83), who continued his father’s effors to drive the Moslems from southern Italy, and to absorbe the Byzantine cities, but he had no great success in either project. When he died, Otto III (983-1002) was a minor in the custody of his mother Theophano. He became essentially a Byzantine prince, and planned to make Rome the capital of his Empire. The death of Otto III ended for some time the close relations between the two Empires. His successors Henry II (1002-1024) as king of Germay were far too busy at home the show much interest in Italy, and the Byzantine rules confined their Itatian activities to portect their lands form the Moslems(3).


After a short time, the Normans came to Italy to seek their fortune in the south about 1036, an elder group consisting of William of the Iron Arm,

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Drogo, Humphery, and a younger set of half-brothers, of whom, the most important are Robert Guiscard and Roger. William was chosen leader, or count, by the other Normans and on his death in 1046 succeeded by Drogo, who was soon afterward invested with the country by Emperor Henry III (l029-l056) That was meant that the westen Emperor still had the Upper hand in Italy, and in the meantine this behavior had ennoyed the Papacy.


So In 1059 Pope Nicholas 11(1059 - 1061) hold the Lateran counicl which issued a decree, about the Papal Elections (5) The most important event in this year, was that it was agreed that Pope Nicolas II should hold another council in the same year at the Norman& hill-fortress of Melfi, attended by the higher clergy of the south and also by the two chief Norman princes, Richard of Aversa and Robert guiscard. They agreed to hold their conquests as a fiefs of the Roman See and to do homage for their territories to the Pope. Richard was recognized by the Pope as Prince of Capua, and Guiscard as Duke of Apulia, of Calabria, and of the island of Sicily when- over he shoud have conqured it form the Byzantins and Moslems. In return for these titles, which the Pope solemnly bestowed upon them, the Normans swore to uphold the rights and potect the possessions of the Roman See
(6).


Another quarrel lasted for a long time about the lay investiture, between the Papacy and Impire, in 1122, Emperor Henry V (1106-1152) saw the necessity of becoming reconilend to the lawful Pope if peace was to be restored to the Empire, Terms of reconciliation were accordingly disucssed at several German diets in the presence of Papal envoys. At length in September in 1122, the famous Concordat of Worms was signed in that city in the presence of a great assembly. Two documents were drawn up, the one being signed by the Emperor and the other by the pope. The Emperor pomised to  

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abandon his claim to investiture with the ring and crozier, and agreed to the freedom of election to all episcopal sees throughout the Empire. The Pope in his side, promised that elections of bishops and abdots should take place in the presence of the Emperor or his representatives. The elected Prelates were to be invested by the Emperor, with the temporalities of their Sees, by the touch of the scepre, immediately after their election if it took place in Germany, but if elswhere, then within six months after consecration (7) .


Robert then set to work to conquer the country held by the Byzantine Empire and set his brother Roger 1(1061 - 1101) to invade Sicily. Both brothers were succesful. In 1071 the fall of Ban gave Robert the last Byzantine possession in southen Italy, and in the next year the two brothers combined their forces to take Palermo. In 1091 Roger conpieted the conquest of sicily(8).

 
In 1130 Roger II count and king of Sicily (1101 - 1154) took advantage of the disputed election of the Papacy to obtain from Pope Aracletas III the dignity of king; and on christmas Day 1130, he was crowned and anointed at Palermo, taking henceforth the title by the Grace of God King of Sicily, Apulia, and Calabria, help and shield of the Christians, heir and son of the great Robert” (9) .


The Norman’s kingdom thus established was a most remarkbable structure, for it combind the feudal custom of northern France with institutions drawn form various parts of the Mediterranean. Its rulers, who commonly spoke a French or Italian vernacular, kept their official records in three other Languages: Latin, Greek and Arabic. The polyglot population included Jews and Moslems together with Christians of both the Roman and the communions - all living under their own law and enjoying religious

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toleration. And loyal men of any faith were accepted for the king’s civil service (10) .


Castleguard and coastguard were owed in addition to the regular service, the King controlling all castles and the building of them. The fleet, which played so larg a part in Roger’s military arrangement, was made up of ships and mariners supplied by certain feudatories and by the maritime cities, though the crews were largely Moslems and Moslem mercenaries were also continuosly employed in both the navy and the army (11) .


The Siclian court, like the kingdome, was many-tongued and cosmopolitan, Its praises being sung alike by Arabic travellers and poetes, by grave Byzantine ecciesiastics, and by Latin scholars of Italy and the North of Europe. Edrisis prepard under Roger’s direction the greatest treatise of Arabic geography, celebrated long afterward as “king’s book”(12).

 
The Arabs in Sicily and South Italy, specially in Lucera (Oucera), are a cornerstone in this paper. Ibn Jubayr gives us a good account of the Arab state in this region about 1184. He gives us valuable Information about king William II (1166-89) and says; he had known the Arabic language, very fair and permitted the motley population of his kingdom to live their old lives under their old laws. The Arabs of Sicily who had faithfully supported the Normans, continued in their former abodes, occupying separate districts in the cities, worshipping without hindrance in their numerous mosques, and still governed in the petty matters of every-day life by their own judges after the laws of Islam. William II and Roger coins held and Islamic religious terms. Ibn Jubayr records also some lines about the William II expedition which had attacked Salonica in 1185 and his using to the Arabic armies in this taks(13).

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The Hohenstaufen daynasty (1138 - 1268) stareted by King conrad III (1138-52) who was not strong ruler. We can sea no relationship between him and the Moslem subjects in the Eeast and the Sicily. He had died before he received the crown of the Empire. His successor Frederick Barbarossa (1152
- 1190), appointed three anti-Popes to appose pope Alexander III (1159-81), but the Normans in Sicily supported the pope(14).


In 1166 William I king of Sicily (1154-66) died after he had just sent an army to restore Pope Alexander III to Rome. William II (1166-89) ascended the throne under the regency of his mother Margaret of Navarre. A baronial rebellion marked the inauguration of the new reign, and a council of ten was set up to govern the kingdom in which the chief power soon passed to the Englisman, Walter, archbishop of Palermo. Under his guidance, Sicily and the Lombard league maintained its support of Alexandr III against Frederik Barbarose in Novembe 1166 the battle of Legnano (1176), and the peace of venice (1177) brought an end to the conflict. Thereafter the Sicilian government made peace with the German Empire, even allying with it in the marriage of Henry, the son of Frederk, to Constance the aunt of king William in 1186, and the king had the barons swear to accept constance as Queen in case of his death without issue(15). This meant that the popes could no longer look to Sicily for the protection against the Emperor.


Therefore, the Pope Urban III (1185-7) refused to crown Henry Emperor during his father’s lifetime, or even to bestow on him the iron crown of Lombardy. Frederick caused his son to be crowned king of Lombardy on the very day of his marriage to Constance by the Archbishop of Aquileia. For this reason and aother the Pope threatened to excommunicate the Emperor. In the next year the Pope died (1 187)(16). After three years the Emperor took the

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cross to take part in the third Crusade, but the died in Asia Mionr in 1190(17). Frederick tired to bring the medieval German Empire to its height of power and prestige. Till his death he was not on good terms with the Moslem’s rulers in the East or in touch with Moslems in Sicily.


Pope Clement III died in the next year (1191), and Celestine III became Pope after him (1191-98) in the end of March 1191. Henry VI became king of Germany (1191-7) after his father and headed for Rome in the same month to receive the Imperial crown. It was his target after his coronation to proceed to Sicily and South Italy to which he laid claim through his wife, because William II having died without hens. The Sicilians had, however, chosen Tancred count of Lecce, an illegitimate grandson of Roger, king of Sicily (1194). The Pope supported Tancred on condition that he recognized as overlord of Sicily, which was to be held as a Papal fief(18).


Henery VI had proceeded to South Italy after his coronation, where he got some success, but was later defeated by Tancred. Henry VI then retreated to Germany, leaving his wife Constance in Salerno, but she soon fell a captive in the hands of Tancred who treated her with the greatest courtesy, and at the request of the Pope she was permitted to return to Germany loaded with gifts. After the death of Tancred in 1194, Henry VI again proceeded to Sicily. He now met with little or no opposition, and marched to Palermo,

where he was acknowledeged king of sicily at christmas 1194. shortly afterwards he ordered a cruel massacre of all the sicilian nobility , and superior clergy. all the descendants of the norman kings of sicily were either exceuted or multilated along with the bishops , for this atrocious deed the pope pronounced a solemn sentence of excommunication against henry, who,however,scoffed at the papal ban, and returned in triumph to germany.

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In 1197 the Emperor Henry VI returned to southern Italy in order to repress a revolt against his authrity. So cruel was his treatment of his subjects that the Empress is said to have interposed, though without effect, on their behalf. Pope Celestine III seems to have been powerless to interfere, and Rome was at this time suffering from a famine which Henry refused to relieve. While in Sicily Henry was seized with fever, and died at Messina on 28th September 1187, at the age of thirty-two. Pope Celestine refused to allow the body of Henry to receive Christian burial, until he had first ascertained that the money extorted for Richard’s ransom was to be restored by Henry’s successor. Celestine then released the dead Emperor from excommunication, and the body was buried in great state at Palermo. Pope Celestine III died in Rome of 8th January 1198. He was buried in the Lateran church, at the end of the north aisle near the Chapel of Sta. Maria di Riposo(19).


The vacancy in the Empire caused by the death of Henry VI in 1197 was taken advantage of by Innocent to assert his authority in Imperial affairs. Henry’s widow, Constance, who ruled Sicily for the two-year-old son Frederick, finding herself unable to cope with the Norman barons of the south appealed to Pope Innocent, and was soon induced to acknowlege the Pope as overlord of Sicily. In a bull issued in November 1198, Innocent confirmed his investitue of the infant Frederick as king of Sicily. On 28the November 1198 the Empress Constance died, having on her death-bed appointed Pope Innocent III Regent of Sicily and guardian of her son. In the same year Honorins (1216 - 1227) the next Pope had been made tutor to the future Emperor Frederick II. In view of the troubled state of the Empire and the inability of the young prince to rule, Philip of Suabia, the brother of Henry VI, had been elected king of the Romans by the Ghibelline, or Imperial party, in March 1198. The Guelfs, or anti-imperialists, refused to

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acknowlege Philip, and, in April of the same year, had chosen as king Otto IV, son of Henry the Lion of the House of Brunswick, and nephew of King Richard of England. Pope Innocent declared in favour of Otto, but civil war broke out between the rivals and for some time the cause of Philip triumphed. In the summer of 1207 Innocent sent two papal legates to Germany to release Philip from the ban of excommnication previously pronounced against him and prepardd to expouse his cause. But the assassination of Philip in 1208 put an end to the hopes of his supporters, and at a Diet held at Frankfort in November of the same year Otto was acknowledged king by the princes of Germany. The Pope then invited Otto to come to Rome to receive the imperial crown, and he was crowned Emperor in St. Pete?s on 4th October 1209. Before his coronation he took a solemn oath to acknowlege the Pope as overlord of Sicily, to leave the Chruch in the peaceful possession of Spoleto, Ancona, and the territories of the Countess Matilda, and to grant freedom in ecclesiastical elections. Otto was no sooner in possession of the Imperial crown than he violated this treaty with the Pope, refused to acknowledge the latter’s claim to the territories of Matilda, and determined to recover for the Empire all the property which Innocent ifi had annexed to the Chuch. In November 1210 Innocent issued a sentence of excommunication and deposition against Otto, and in the following year the young Frederick II, whose rights had been previously set aside, was chosen King of the Rornans(20).


In 1212 Frederick entered Germany. On the way there he had met Philip Augustus and formed an alliance with him, and it was King Philip who solved his immediate problems in his German realm. The battle of Bouvines in 1214 broke the power of Otto and made Frederick master of Germany. But Frederick was half Sicilian in blood and more so in taste. he found Germany

 

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a cold, damp, gloomy country with altogether too many swamps and forests (21) .


Frederick II became familiar with many tongues, and was versed in many literatures. With advising life his personal habits grew more and more oriental. His character and Policy can best be studied in his favourite Sicilian and South Italian homes. He had the greatest difficulties in maintaining his Position both agaist the untamed descendants of the old Arab lords of Sicily, and against the fierce and turbulent feudal aristocarcy which had come in with the Normans. In 1217 were taken up with renewed struggles aginst he Arabs in Sicily. It was not till after and almost constant fight between 1221-25 that Frederick succeeded in entirely effecting their subjection. He then strove to divide his Arab subjects by transporting a large number of them to the desolate town of Lucera, and thier were more than 20.000 men-at-arms (22).


The ruined city was rebuilt on a magnificent scale for its Arab inhabitants. Workers in steel and weavers of silk made the city wealthy and prosperous, and the grateful Arabs showed unwavering fidelity to thier sympathetic conqueror. The Emperor frequently visited Lucera, where he delighted to live the very life of his oriental subjects. The Arabs were Frederik’s personal slave and dependents, whom he protected. They were doughtly warriors, who were willing to fight for him in his Italian wars. Moreover their layalty was superior to the terrors of papal pan, and their arms proved an admirable counterpoise to the fierce Norman aristocracy, which, allying itself with te Papacy(23).


In 1215 Frederick had taken the cross to lead the fifth Crusade, but Pope Inocente granted him leave to postpone the Crusade till he had put the affairs

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of Germany in order. Frederick still delayed. He had Promised the Papacy to
hand over the throne of Sicily to his young son Henry. In the same year Frederick had been crowned king of the Romans at Aachen. In 1219 frederick prepared to proceede to Rome to receive the Imperial crown. Frederick’s failure to carry out his intention to the Holy land was publicly reproved by the Pope as a cause of the disastrous issue of the fifth crusade. In 1222 it was arranged that he should marry Isabella doughter of king John of Jerusalem, who was heiress to the kingdom through her mother. The marriage was celebrated in November 1225 in the Cathedral at Brindisi(24).


Frederick therupon claimed the title king of Jerusalem in virtue of his wife’s lineage and in spite of her father’s protests. Extensive preparations were commenced for a Crusade which was to start in the summer of 1227. But again, at last moment, the Emperor’s departures was postponed on account of the state of his health. The Pope Gregory IX (1227-41) regarded this as a excuse and launched a bull of excommunications against the emperor (25) .


About that time the Ayubite house was deteriorating bad terms, al-Kamil learned that the Emperor had Just married Yolanda (Isabella), the daughter of John of Brienne and hold the title of the king of Jerusalem, Al-Kamil decieded to send an embassy headed by a subtle diplomat, the emir Fakhr al-Din Ibn Sheykh al-Sheuokh. The latter was amazed wehen he arrived in Palermo: yes, everything they said about Frederick was ture. He spoke and wrote Arabic perfectly, he felt unconcealed admiration for Moslem civilization, and he had nothing but contempt for the barbarous West, especially for the Pope df Rome. His closest collaborators were Arabs, and so were the soldiers of his palace guard; at time of prayer, they bosed dowed in

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the direction of Mecca. This man of inquring mind, who had spednt his entire youth in Sicily, then a major centre of Arab sciences, felt that he had little in common with the dull and fanatical Franj. The voice of the muezzin rang out across his kingdom unimpeded(26).


Fakhr al-Din Soon became a friend and confidant of Frederick. Through him, close links were forged between the Germanic Emperor and the Sultan of Cairo. The two monarchs exchanged letters in which they discussed the logic of Aristotle, the immortality of the soul, and the genesis of the universe. When al-Kamil learned of his correspondent’s passion for observing animal behaviour, he sent him bears, apes, and dromedaries, as wll as an elephant which the Emperor entrusted to the Arab caretaker of his private zoo. The Sultan was more than a little content to discover an enlightened Western leadr who, like himself, understood the futility of these endless religous wars. he therefore unhesitalingly told Frederick of his desire for him to come to the orient in the near future, adding that he would be happy to see the Emperor in possession of Jerusalem(27).


This outburst of generosity becomes more comprehensible if we rernbmber tht at the time the offer was made, the holy city beinged not to al-kamil but to his brother al-Mu’azam, whith whom the ruler of Cairo had just falen out. Al-Karnil felt that the occupation of Palestine by his ally Frederick would create a buffer state protecting him from any undertakings in which al-Mu’azam might indulge. In the long run, a reinvigorated kingdom of Jerusalem could also effectively interpose itself between Egypt and the warrior peoples of Asia, for the threat from the quarter was now looming. A fervent Moslem would never have so coldly contemplated abandoning Jerusalem, but al-Kamil was quite different from his under Saladin. He

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regarded the question of Jeruslaem as primarily political and military; the religous aspect was relevant only to the extent that it influenced public opinion. Frederik, who felt no closer to Christianity than to Islam, took an identical attitude. If he wanted to take possession of the holy city, it was not to commune with his thoughts at the tomb of Christ, but because a success of that kind would strengthen his position in his struggle against the Pope, who had jsut excommunicated him as punishment for having postponed his
expedition to the East (28).

When the Emperor disembarked at Acre in September 1228 he was convinced that with al-Kamil’s help he would be able to enter Jerusalem in triumph, thus silencing his enemies. In fact, the ruler of Cairo found himself in an extremely ernbfrrassing position, for recent events had completely redrawn the regional map. Al-Mutazam had died suddenly in November 1227, bequeating Damascus to his son al-Nasir, a young man lacking in all experience. Al-Karnil, who could now contemplate seizing Damascus and Palestine himself, was no longer interested in establishing a buffer state between Egypt and Syria. In other words, al-Kamil was not greatly pleased at the prospect of the arrival of Frederick, who in all friendship would lay claim to Jerusalem and its environs. A man of honour like al-Kamil could not renege on his promises. but he could try to stall, telling the emperor that the situation had suddenly changed(29).

 
Frederick, who had come with a mere three thousand men, thought that the taking of Jerusalem would be no more than a formality. He therefore did not dare attempt a policy of intimidation, but instead sought to cajole al-Kamil. I am your friend, he wrote to him. It was iou who urged inc to make this trip. The Pope and all the kings jL the West now know f my

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mission. If I
return empty-handed, I will lose much prestige. For pii$c sake, give me Jerusalem, that I may hold my head high! A1-ICaniil was touched, and so he sent his Mend Fakhr al-Din to Frederick, bearing gifts and a double
- edged reply. I too. he wrote, must take account of opinion. If I deliver Jerusalem to you, it could lead not only to a condermnation of my actions by the caliph, but also to a religious insurrection that would threaten my throne. For each side, it was matter of saving face. Frederick Implored Fskhr al-Din to find an honourable way out. The latter, with the sultan’s agreemnt, threw Frederick a lifeline, ‘The people could never accept the surrender of Jerusalem, won at such cost by Saladin, without a battle. On the other hand, if agreement on the holy city could avoid bloody warfare...’ The Emperor understoocL He smiled, thanked his Mend of his advice, and then ordered his small force of troops to prepare for combat. At the end of November 1228, as Frederick marched with great pomp towards the port of JaffP, al-Kamil spread the word throughout the country that it was necessary to prepare for a along and bitter war against the powerful sovereign from the west(31).

 
A few weeks later, with no battle having been joined, the text of an acdord was ready: Frederick obtained Jerusalem and a corridor linking it to the coast, as well as Bethlehem. Wzareth, the environs of Tyre, and the powerful fortress of Tibnin, east of Tyre. In the holy city itself, the Moslems preserved a presence in the Haram al-Sharif sector, where their principal sanctuaries were clustered32. Frederick might rebuild the walls of the city, but the concession was made to him presonally. All prisoners on both sides were to be released. The treaty was to last ten years by the Christian calendar and ten years and five months and fourty days by the Moslems(33).

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The treaty was signed on 18 February 1229 by Frederick and by the ambassador Fakhr al-Din, in the name of the sultan. A month later, the Emperor went to Jerusalem, its Moslem populations had been evacuated by al-Kamil, except for some religious leaders left in charge of the Islamic places of worship. Frederick was received by Shams al-Dine, the qadi of Nablus, who gave him the keys to the city and acted as a sort of guide. The qadi himself related what happened during this visit(34).


When the Emperor, king of the Franj, came to Jerusalem with his Moslems subjects, I remained with him, as al-Kamil had requested of me. I entered Haram al-Sharif with him, where he toured the small mosques. Then we went to al-Aqsa mosque, whose architecture he admired, as well as the Dome of the Rock. He was fascinatewd by the beauty of the minbar, and climbed the staris to the top. When he descended, he took me by the hand and led inc back towards al-Aqsa. There he found a priest who, Bible in hand, was trying to enter the mosque. Furious, the Emperor began to browbeat him. What brings you to this place’? By God, if one of you dares step in here again without permission. I will pluck out his eyes!. The priest departed trembling. That night, I asked the muezzin not to call the prayer, in order not to inconvenience the Emperor. But when I saw him the next day, the Emperor asked me, Qadi, why didn’t the muezzins call the prayer as usual?’ I answered:” It is I who prevented them from doing so, out of repect for your Majesty, ‘You should not have acted thus’, the Emperor said, ‘for if I spent this night in Jerusalem, it was above all to hear the muezzin’s call in the night (35).

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Whatever was said about the treaty in East and West, specially the Pope who sent, it was claimed to al.Kamel incited him not to deliver Jerusalem to the Emperor Frederick, we can say that the later was secceeded by the Moslem’s aid in which all Crusades had failed except the first Crusade. We can remark the civilization dialogue and interaction.


During Frederick’s absence, Pope Gregory had devastated Apulia with fire and sword. His dead wife’s father, John of Brienne, the ex-king of Jerusalem acted as captain of the Papal mercenaries against him. On Frederick’s sudden reappearance, the Papal troops were driven over the frontier and the Patrimony of St. Peter itself threatened by the victorious Empeor36. Gregory found that his rashness had brought him into an impossible position, and was glad to accept the mediation which Herman of saiza the Grand Master of Teutonic Order (1210-1239) and Ducke Leopold of Austria now proffered. on July, peace was made between Pope and Emperor at San German in 1230, In return for a promise to protect the Pope’s dominions, a confirmation of the papal rights over Sicily, and Frederick was released of the papal excommunication (37) .


The researcher can say that, after Frederick’s success in the east, supported by Moslem’s aid, the Pope Gregory was obliged to be at peace with the Emperor and absolved him from the excommunication.


In 1235 Frederick was recalled to Germany through a rebellion of his eldest son, Henry, who had been elected king of Germany. The rebellion was soon crushed, and Henry was sent as a prisoner to Naples. The Lombard cities hadbeen concerned in this rebellion, and in 1236 Frederick began a new campaign against them(38).

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The Emperor found a ready welcome from Eccelin da Romans, who now aspired to appropriate the whole region between the Alps and the Adige, and soon made himself lord of Padua and Treviso. Recalled over the mountains by the Austrian troubles, Frederick again appeared in Italy in 1237. But a small portion of his army came from Germany. He relied for the most part on the Ghibelline barons of Italy, on Eccelin and is follwing, and on his trusty Arabs from Lucera. The Lombard league sought in vain to withstand his progress, Frederick’s clever strategy soon outgeneralled the civic host, and on 27 November 1237 the whole army of the league was signally defeated at Cortenuova. The Emperor cleebrated his success by a sort of Roman triumph through the streets of Cremona, with his famous elephant with its Arab
driviers on its back (39).
Soon after Frederick granted the dominion of Sardinia to his bastard son Enzio, who had wedded the heiress of the Island, Which the Pope Gregory IX claimed to belong to the Roman See. The Pope now joined Venice and the Lombard cities against Frederick,(40 ) and on Palm Sunday 1230, again solemnly excommunicated the emperor, and absolved his subjects from their allegaince(41).


Many princes of the Empire supported Frederick, and when, in February 1240 the latter invaded the states of the chruch, the Pope found himself almost without an ally-still showing a courageous spirit, however, he organized a solemn procession in Rome, and roused the Ramans to join in a Crusade against the Emperor. Although Frederick did not advance on Rome, he laid waste the surrounding country, and caused all so-called Crusaders whom he captured to be ruthlessly executed. In 1241 the Pope tried to hold a council in Lateran to renew his ban, but the Emperor fobade the meeting and prepared to advance on Rome, But Gergory IX died in August in the same year. On the death of the Pope the emperor suspended hostitities against


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Rom, and issued a manifesto declaring that his quarrel had not been with the church, but with the deceased Pope. Pope Celestine IV hold the Roman see 1241, but he died in the same year after he had desired to bring about a lasting peace between the Empire and Papacy(42).


The Roman See remained vacant for one year and seven months. As the princes of Europe began to blame Frederick for the prolonged vacancy, he became himself anxious to press on the election. At-length in June 1243 Innocent IV was elected Pope (1243-1254). As Frederick earnestly desired to be released from the ban of excomunication, he promised to restore the states of the church, and to recognize the spiritual supermacy of the Pope over all temporal princes. A treaty was drawn up between Frederick and the Pope, but as the latter still delayed the promised absolution this treaty was never confirmed(43). About this time Frederick*s Arab hordes were again ravaging Campana. In June 1244 Innocent fled from Rome to Genoa, Whence he crossed the Alps and took up his abode in the free Imperial city of Lyons(44).


In June 1245 Pope Innocent held a General Concil at Lyon, which was attended by bishops from France, Spain, Italy, England, Scotland, and Ireland, but very few from Germany. At this Council the Pope excommunicated the Emperor anew, and declared him deposed from the Imperial throne. Frederick then issued a manifesto summoning the princes of Europe to his aid against the Pope. At an interview which took place between King Louis of France and Pope Innocent in the monastery of Cluny, the King urged the Pope to make pease with the Emperor. But the Pope now refused to agree with Frederick on any terms, on the plea that the latter would not keep his word. On 21 st April 1246 the Pope wrote from Lyons to the German princes, recommending them to choose a new King of Germany, in the

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person of Henry, Landgrave of Thuringia. Although the majority of German princes still adhered to the Emperor. the Archbishops of Cologne, Trèves, and Bremen, assisted by the Bishops of Metz, Spires, and Strasburg, met near Wtirzburg, and anointed Henry King of Gernany on ascension Day 1246. War now began in Germany between Henry and the Emperor’s son, Conard, but in February 1247 Henry was killed while besieging Ulm. On the recommendation of Pope Innocent, Willilamn, Earl of Holand, a Youth of twenty, was chosen to succeed Henry as king of Germany(45).


In 1250 fortune smiled once more on his cause., The Ghibellines of Lombardy at last won the upper hand. ‘Good news came from beyond the Alps of Conrad’s triumphs over William of Holland. Frederick himself spent most ‘of the year at Foggia, surrounded by his faithful Arabs, in whom he still palced his chief trust. Towards the end of the year he started once more for the north, but he was seized with a mortal illness before he had travesed many stages. He took to his bed al Fiorention, a hunting lodge few miles short of Lucera. An ancient prediction of his astrologers that he would die near iron gates at a town called Flora further troubled his spirit. ‘This is the spot’, he said, ‘long ago foretold to me where I must die., The will of God be done’. He calmly drew up a will bequeathing to Conrad both the Empire and the kingdom, while his favouite bastard, Manfred, who carefully ministered to his last hours, was to act as his regent in his brother’s absence. On 19th December he died, either, as his friends believed, calmly and religiously, clad in the white robe of the Cistercians and reconciled to the Chruch by the Archbishoph of Palermo, or a prey to hideous despair and misery, as the Friars his enemies loved to imagine, he was buried beside his Norman ancestors at Palermo. where his tomb may still be seen. With him expired the

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Roman Empire as a real claimant to any share of the rule of the world, though for another generation faction raged, more fierecely than ever as the disposal of its heritage(46) .


The Arabs remained on good terms with the Eomperor Frederick till his last days, Joinville tells us a funny story during the events of Louis IX king of France (1226-1270) in Egypt, Joinville was on board one of the captured ships, saved his own and his comrades’ lives by letting it be understood that he was the king’s cousin, and when he questioned about it by an Egytian admiral it was untrue. The admiral asked him if by any chance he happened to be related to the emperor Frederick of Germay. He replied that he had reason believe that his mother was his first cousin; whereupon the admiral remarked that he loved him all the more for it, and treated him very well(47).


When king Conrad of Germany heard of the death of the Empeor, he prepared with a great company to pass into Apulia and Sicily, to take possession of the said Kingdom, of the which Manfred, his bastard brother, had become viar-general, and was ruling it altogether, save only the cities of Naples and of Capua, the which had rebelled after the death of Frederick, and were returned to obedience to the church; as also many cities of Lombard, and Tuscany, on occasion of death of the emperor, returned to the obedience of the church(48).


Conrad arrived in Italy, in 1251 by sea with an army and was joined with a body of Arabs, who had been allowed by the late Emperor to settle in Sicily. With their aid he soon recovered the rebellious cities of Apulia. Capus and Naples which resisted was taken by storm, but Pope Innocent, who refused to recognize any of Frederick’s heirs offerd the crown of Sicily first to Richard, Earl of Cornwall, brother of Henry Ill of England (1216 - 1271)

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and afterwards to
Charles of Anjou brother of Louis IX of Franc. Both these prince rejected the offer but Henry UI worte to the Pope requesting that the Kindgome of Sicily might be bestowed on Edmund, his second son. To ths Innocent readily agreed, and in order to carry on the war against Conrad, Henry ifi was forced to extort large sums in taxes from his English subjects(49).


Before the end of 1253 the Pope was strong enought to return to Rome. Active hostilites were now threatened. Mendicant Friars viorously proclaimed the Crusade agisnt Conrad, and in the spring 1254 Innocent renewed his exommunicatio. But in May 1254 Carrad died suddenly, (50)when only twenty six years old, leaving Conradin, a child of two as his heir, and in his disturst of Manfred, entrusting the regency to the Margrave Berthold of Hohenburg, the later found himself so powerless that he cheerfully gave up the regency and Mated was put up in his place(51).


Now Manfred sent an embassy to the Pope begging him to cease from hostilities, and to take Gonradin under his protection. The Pope appears to have sent a favourable replay. Manfred then declared his willingness to surrender the kingdom of Sicily to the Pope, and to submit to his terms. A treatry of peace was accordingly made betweeh them, the Pope solemnly reinvesting Manfred in all the dignities which he had held during his father lifetime, in spite of arrangement made with henry UI of England(52). Nothing was said as to the rights of Conradin, and in October Innocent himself went on progress through the cities of the kingdom, and took up his quarters at Naples, where he posed as feudeal lord of the realm, the disposal of which rested entirely in his hands. Manfred had hoped that his submission would e followed by the recognition, if not of his nephew, at least of himself as King

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of Sicily. He now saw that he had been tricked by the Pope, and that the king whom the Pope would acknowlege was not himself but the young Edmund of England. He rode hastily to the trusty Arabs of Lucera, and with their help gathered together an army to withstand the aggerssions of the Pope. Before any decisive action cauld take place, Innocent died on December 1254 at Naples(53).


Alexander IV (1254-61) was elected Pope in the same months (1254). He found himself committed to carry on the same policy of opposiiton towards the Hohenstafens. In March 1255 he excommunicated Manfred, and afterwards concluded a treaty with Henry III, by which he comfirmed the grant of Sicily made by his predecessor to Edmund, Henry’s second son(54).


In the meantime Manfred, who was now the master of Sicily, Apulia, and Calabria, was personally popular; he had two sets of soldiers on whom he could rely, his Arabs and his German mercenaries. Manfred continued to increase, and a Papal army, which had taken the field against him, was forced to disband for lack of provision(55). In 1256 William of Holland, who had been chosen king of Germany, was murdered in Frisia, and a double election took place in Germany. One party chose Richard of Cornwall brother of Henry III and the other Alphonso, king of Castile. Richard who was possessed of great wealth, obtained the support of the archbishops of cologne and Maitz, and afterwards of Pope Alexander, and was crowned king of Germany at Aix-la-Chapelle(56).


Giovanni Villani told us that Manfred had planned to murder Conradin but the plan failed(57). Before Manfred knew the truth he had assumed the title of king of Sicily and was crowned at Palermo in August 1258. When it became known in Italy that Conradin was still alive, Manfred promised to

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recognize his title to the crown of Sicily. In the meantime the cities of Lombardy renounced their allegiance to the Pope and joined Manfred. The Pope summoned Manfred to appear before him, and on his refusal to do so or to submit to the Pop&s terms, the sentence of excommunication was renewed against him(58).

 
On May 1261 Pope Aleander had died and was succeeded by Urban IV (1261-1264). In the meantime, in Germany the war countinued between Alfons of Castile and Richard of Corn-wall, rival Kings of Germany. The Pope offered to arbitrate between them, but Richard rejected the offer and abandoned the enterprise and so did Alfonse(59). The German prrinces, tried of the strife, proposed to reject both claimants and elected Conrandin. This proposal was strongly opposed by the Pope, and threatened to excommunicate any one who attempted to elect a member of Hohestaufen family which had so long been inimical to the Chruch(60).


The situation became very serious for the Hohenstaufen cause, so Manfred bent to the strom ad accepted the claim of the Pope, on condition that he should become the Popets vicar. The Pope came down in triumph and entered Capua. Manfred was ill at ease; he felt that he was encompassed by enemies and traitors, but trusting in his own adroitness he hoped to come out unscathed. He took his way to Lucera where Frederick had stationed the Arabs whom he removed from Sicily. Ever since then the town had been a Arab stronghold and devoted to the Hohenstaufens(61).


John the Morr, a henchman of the old Emperor, was governor. There more than anywhere else. Manfred felt that he would be safe. He expected to be received by John the Moor with open arms. But when he heard that Manfred was a fugitive, and that fortune smiled upon the Papal cause, he put

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one of his household, another Arabic, Marchisio, in his place as custodian of the town, made him swear that he would let no one, not even prince Manfred, enter during his absence, and posted off to make terms with the Pope, sending false word to Manfred that he was going on his account. There seemed to be no loyalty to a losing cause anywhere in the Hohenstaufen dominions. Nevertheless, even after Manfred heard of John the Moor’s treachery, he still entertained a hope of getting Lucera. That was his only chance. In Lucera was his father’s treasure; and there, if anywhere, were friends, for the Arabs could hope for but little from the Pope. He sent scouts to learn what the feelings of the garrison were toward him, The scouts reported that they entertained great good will and marvelled that he had not gone there sonner. One hearing this, for security’s sake, as he could not tell whether to trust the peasants of the country, he gave out that he was going south, and with very few attendants rode north at night roward Lucera. It was dark and rainy, the little band could not even see one another, and had to ride side by side and keep calling out, in order to stay together. They lost the road and wandered off into the fields. Luckily one of the party had been a master of the hunt for the late Emperor and recognized familiar ground. He managed to lead them to a deserted hunting-lodge, where, somewhat imprudently, they made a big fire, dried their clothes, and spent the rest of the night, both man and beast thankful for repose. Hostile troops, some belonging to the Papal army, some in the pay of Hohenberg, were only a little way to the right and to the left. Before dawn they were off again and rode to within a mile or two of Lucera. Here Manfred stationed his troop, while he and three soldiers, one of whom spoke Arabic, rode on to the town. The guards were on the alert; so Manfred halted and the soldier who knew Arabic rode alone to the gate. There he called up: “Your Prince, the Emperor’s son, is here, open the gate.”

-25-.
The guards hesitated,
and Manfitd rode up. Still they were doubtful, and sent a man to notify Marchisio, the castellan. Then one of them spoke up:
“Marchisio was charged by John the Moor not to let any one, even the Prince, enterthecity,andhewillnotgivethekeys,butonthecontrary,hewilldoafl he can to keep the Prince from coming in. The best thing Is for the Prince to get in any way possible, for once in, all will be easy”. It happened that there was a gutter under the gate to carry away the rain-water’ and when the gate was shut there was just space for a man to crawl in on his belly. The same guard called down: “Let the Prince come in by the hole under the gate; let us get him in any way we can.” Manfred dismounted, and was about to lie down and crawl in. when the guards, mortified at the sight, cried: “Never shall our Prince enter the city like that.” They broke open the gate, picked Mated up in their arms, and carried him triumphantly into the town. Marchisio rushed out to stop them, but the crowd would not tolerate disrespect; they forced the castellan off his horse, down upon his hess, and made him kiss Manfred’s feet; they then conducted Mated with cheers into the royal palce. From this. time Manfred’s fortunes rose. His posession of the royal treasure enabled him to hire troops and to seduce detachments of the enemy. He gained a victory over one division of the papal army, and frightened the cardinal in command so badly that he fled in terror. Ths must have been bitter news to the Pope in Naples(62).


When he died in
May 1261. Pope Urban IV was elected Pope (1261-64). He followed the policy of his predecessors in attempting to drive Manfred from Sicily and subject the kingdome to the Apostolic See. He repeated the offer to Edmund but he failed, so he offered the crown to Charles of Anjou, who had previously rejected it, but who was now pravaild on the accept it and came to Rome with a strong army to defend the holy Church(63) .

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Without any delay, Charles set out with his host towards the kingdom of Aplia. Giovanni Villani gave a good details about the battlefield and the battle group and said; Immediatly Manfred gave all his care to defened the passes of the kingdom, and at the pass at the bridge at Cepperano, he placed the count Giordano and the count of Caserta with many followers, both foot and, horse; and in San Germano he placed a great part of his German and Apulian barons, and all the Arabs of Lucera with bows and cross-bows, and a great store of arrows, trusting more in this defence than in any other, by reason of the strong place and the possition which has on the one side high mountains, and on the other marshes and stagnant waters, and was furnished with victuals and with all things for more than two years. We can remarke here(64).


Giovani added, in spite of Manfred preparations for war, he sent to Charles to treat with him concerning a truce or peace but the later refused and said to the ambassadors, “Go to the Sutlan of Lucera - Sultan of the Arabs - I will have nothing but battle, and in that battle einther he shall slay me, or I him’T, and took the pass of Cepperano to storm the city of San Germana. King Charl&s followers took the town by assault. It was held to be very great marvel, by reason of the strength of the town, and rather the work of God than the human strength, forasmuch as there were more than 1000 horsemen within and more than 5000 footmen, among which there were many Arabs archers from Lucera; but by reason of a scuffle which arose the might before, as it pleased God, between the Crislians and the Moslems, in which they were vanquished, the next day they were not faithful in the defence of the town, and this among others was truly one of the cause why they lost the town of San Germano on February 1266(65).

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After the loose of San Germano, Manfred and his army withdrew to the city of Benivento, as a stronghold, in order that he might give battle on his own ground. He arrived at the foot of the city in the valley over against the city, distant by the space of two miles from the bank of the river Caloro which flows at te foot of Benivento. Manfred and his troops passed over the bridge which crosses the river into the plan which is called S. Maria della Grandella to the place called the Pietra a Roseto; here he formed three lines of battle or troops, the first was of German, in whom he had much confidence, who numbered fully 1200 horse. The second was Tuscans and Lombards, and also of Germans, to the number of 1000 horse. The third which Manfred led, was of Apulians with the Arabs of Lucera, which was of 1400 horse, without the foot soldiers and the Arab bowmen which were in great numbers(66). The battle took place on 26 February 1266, when Manfred, deserted by his followers, met his death by rushing into the midst of the enemy, and a few days after, his wife and his children and his sister, who were in Lucera of the Arabs in Apulia, were delivered as prisioners to king Charles, and they afterwards died in his prison(67).


Beside the fidelity of the Arabs in Sicily and Lucera to Manfred, he was in good terms with the Arabs in the East. The Egypt court kept up the friendship forged with his father Frederik II(68) Ibn Wasil the historian told that he was sent by Sultan Baibars (1260-1277) to the king Manfred in Sicily in July 1261, he said that he met the king more than once, he found him distinguished in sciences, studies ten essaies of Euclid. Ibn Wasil added, near Sicily the city of logara (Lucera), all its inhabitants, which had come from Sicily, are Moslems they establised their prayers of fridy since his father Frederick. Manfred started to build an institute of human sciences. All his subjects in the court are Moslems. in his camp they announced for al-Azan

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and prayars. The historian gives us a good account of about the excommunication and the Papacy through Manfred’s eyes69. Baibars still in good terms with Manfred, when he becanme victorious in the Lavant in 1265, he hastened to write to Manfred(70).


Charles’ conquest of the kingdom of Sicily cut the course of Italian history in two. The great questions that troubled the peace of Italy for generations were decided. The German Emperor were not to be masters of Italy; the Empire was not to reduce the Papacy to a dependent bishopric, the Italian cities of the north were to be free to establish such local sovereignty as they chose; the mainland south of the river Garigliano was to be under a line of French kings; and the Papcy was to exchange its dread of Germany for subservice to France. Manfred the usurper was gone; but the lawful heir of the Hohenstaufens was still living, young Conradin, a boy of fifteen(71).


Before the year was out envoys from the faithful cities, of Lombardy, Tuscany, Verona, Pavia, Siena and Pisa went to Germay to stir up Conradion to cross into Italy to take away Sicily and the Kingdom from Charles. And so it was done; for immediately in Apulia there rose in rebellion. Lucera of the Arabs, Aversa and many place in Sicily(72).


Conradin set forth from Germany Early in 1268, with him the young Frederick Duck of Austria, many barons and good men-at-arms from Germany in his train, Conradin went first to Verona, passed through Lombardy, and by the way of Pavia where he was welecomed, received the support of the Ghibelline cities of the north, and in spite of the Pope’s solemn excommunication, he proceeded to Rome from Genoa where he was warmly welcomed(73). To strengthen Charles’ position, Pope Clement IV

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(1265-1268) gave him a larger standing, mamed him “keeper of the peace in Tuscany(74).


Conradin proceeded from Rome on into Apulia, hoping to join hands with the revolted Arabs of Lucera(75). Charles Wanted to hinder the movements of Conradino, so he sent his marshal William of Belselve with 500 of his horsemen for this purpose, but he failed by an ambush of Comadin’s army on 25th June 1268. Conradin departed from Rome on 10th day of August, he took the way of the mountains between Abruzzi and Campana by Valle of Celle, where there was no guard nor garrison; and without any hindrance, he passed on and came into the plain of San Valentino in the country of Tagliacozzo(76). The critical point of the war-as a Crsade-became betwen Conradin of the head of the Chibellines and Charles on the head of the Guelfs which supported the Pope(77).


King Charles, hearing how Conradin was departed from Rome with his folloers to enter into the kingdom, broke up his camp at Lucera, and with his people came against Conradino. The later formed his followers in three troops, one of Germans, the second of Italians and the third was of Spaniards, where was captain Don Henry of Spain. A small battle was occured between the two parties and a part of Charlest army was defeated and the stander of charles were beaten down(78), but on 23rd August Conradin suffered a disastrous defeat at Tagliacozzo, near lake Celano. Conradin escaped with a few hundred horses and made his way back to Rome, he fled to the coast, hoping to put to sea, but he and his friends were caught and taken in chains to genazzano, a mountain fortress near Pa1estrine(79). He was given a trail at Naples. At last he was executed on 29the October 1268, along with his young friend Frederick the Duke of Austria in the Market-place at Naples(80). Conradin was the last of his race, and his death ensured the Guelfic triumph

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in Italy, Charles became the master of the kingdom of Sicily, but the Arab’s garrison at Lucera held out until August 1269, when it was forced by starvation to surrender. The fall of Lucera brought to an end almost thrity years of Crusades against the Hohenstaufens and their suporters(81) .


To sum up, both Sicily and Apulia acted as two center for Arabic and Islamic civilization. When the Normans conquered these two regions, they appreciated the civilizations of the local Arab and Moslem population. The Normans depended on Arabs and Moslem for their expertise in many fields, including architecture and science - El-idrisi writer of the book in geography, was an inhabitant of this area of the world. Arabs and Moslems were also arnployed as soldires and were involved in the Normans war against the Byzantine Empire in 1185.

 
The Hohenstaufen adopted the same policy toward the Arab and Moslem population. Frederick II moved a number of Arabs from Sicily to Lucera, a city which he rebuilt and made into a military base that gave him a lifetime support against his enemies, expecially the Papacys.


Those Arabs, Whether Moslems, Christians, did not take heed of the Pope’s excommunication act.
It became abvious that these Arabs remained loyal to the Emperor, and his sons who succeeded him until the end of the Hohenstaufen era . The relations with the Arabs of the East were also significant, starting with the sixth Crusade between Frederick and el-Kamil, and until the end of the Hohenstaufen reign. These were relations of friendship, that were developed into civilization interaction between the East and the West. These ralations also made it possible for the Huhenstaufer to face the exommunication act issued by the Pope aginst rulers who belonged to this family.

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Footnotes
1- Einhard, The Life of Charleman, Penguin, 1974, P. 81.
2- Ostrogorsky, History of the Byzantine State, tran. Joan Hussey, Oxford,
1956, p. 165.
3- Painter, S., A History of the Middle Ages, New York, 1954, P. 45.
4- Hasking, The Normans in European History, New York, 1959, p. 201.
5- Henderson, Select Historical Documents of Middle Ages, London 1910, pp. 361-4.
6- Mckilliam, A Chronicle of the Popes, London 1912, pp. 240 -1, Hasking, op. cit. pp. 204-5.
7- Mckilliam, op. cit., pp. 268-9.
8- Painter, op. cit., pp. 197-8.
9- Hasking, op. cit., pp. 2 10-1.
10- Stephenson, Mediaeval History, New York 1951, p. 333.
11- LaMonte, The World of the Middle Ages, New York, 1949, p. 281.
12- Hasking, op. cit.. pp. 238-9.
13- Ibn Jubayer, a-Rehla (Voyage), Beirut, 1979, pp. 305ff. (Arabic rext), Choniates, N.. 0 city of Byzantium, tran. Harry J. Magoulias, Detroit, 1984.. p. 165.
14- LaMonte, op. cit., p. 273, Otto of freising, The Deeds of Frederick Barbarosso, tran. Charles Christopher Mierow, New York, 1966, p. 338 and note 14.
15- La-Monte, op. cit., pp. 283-4.
16- Mckilliam, op. cit., 294.
17- Ernoul, Chronique d’Ernoul et de Bernard le Trésorier (ed Mas Latrie) Paris, 1871, pp. 248-9.
18- Mckillam, op. cit.. p. 289.

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19- Ibid, pp. 299-300.
20- Ibid, pp. 301-2.
21- Painter, op. cit, 284. V
22- Giovanni Villani, Choniche Florentine, tran. Rose E. Selfe, London,
1890, pp. 131-2.
23- Tout, The Empire and the Papacy (918-1273) London, 1954, pp.
359-61.
24- Eracles, Estoire d’Eracles, in R.H.C.O, II, pp 357-8.
25- Roger of Wendover of History, T.J.A. Giles, London, 1849, II, p. 409.
26- Ibn Wasil, Mofarige al-Korop IV, Cairo 1974, p. 248.
27- Ibid, pp. 206-7. al- Maqrisi, Asslouk, Cairo, 1934, vol. I, Part I, p. 232.
28- Maalouf. A., The Crusades Through Arab Eye, tran. by Jon Rothschild, London, 1984, pp.  226-9.
29- Ibn Wasil, op. cit. IV, pp. 234-5, al-Maqrisi, op. cit., vol. part I, pp.
228-9.
30- Roger of Wendover, op. cit., II, 512.
31- Maalouf. A., op. cit., p. 228.
32- Ibn Wasil, op. cit IV, p. 241.
33- Al-Maqrisi, op. cit., Vol. I, Part I, pp. 228-30, Runciman, A History of. the Crusades, Cambridge, 1952 III, P. 187.
34- Ibn Wasil, op. cit., IV, P. 244.
35- Ibid. p. 244-5, Sibt ibn al-Djauzi, Miraat a-Zarnan, Hydar-Abed, India, Vol 2 oart II, 1952, p656. Maalouf, op. cit., P. 229.
36- Roger of Wendover, op. cit., II, pp. 5 16-7.
37- Mckilliarn, op. cit., P. 309.
38- Sedgwick, Italy in Thirteenth Century, 2 Vols, New York, 1912, I, p.p.
26 1-2, Mckilliarn, op. cit., p. 310.
39- Tout, op. cit., pp. 38 1-2.

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40- Mckilliam, op. cit, p. 310:
41- Tout, op. cit., p. 282.
42- Mckilliam. op. cit.. pp. 310-1.
43- [bid.p. 312.
44- Tout., op. cit., p. 386.
45- Mckilliam, op. cit.. p. 313.
46- Tout, op. cit., p. 391.
47- Joinvifl, The Life of Saint Louis, Penguin. 1973 pp. 244-5.
48- Giovanni Villani. op. cit.. pp. 153-4.
49- Mckilliam. op. cit., p. 314.
50- Givarmj Villani, op. cit., p. 156.
51- Sedgwick. op. cit.. I. p. 292.
52- Mckilliam. op. cit.. p. 314.
53- Tout, op. cit., pp. 480-1.
54- .Mckilliam, op. cit. p. 315. Sedgeick, op. cit., I, p. 391.
55- Mckilliam. op. cit.. p. 316.
56- Matthew of Westminster. Flowers of History, tm. C.D. Yonge, London
1853. IL p. 354.
57- Givanni Villani, op. cit.. pp. 155-6.
58- Mckilliam. op. cit.. p. 316.
59- Giovanni Villanj. op. cit.. p. 169. Matthew of Westrninister, op. cit., II, p. 354.
60- Mckilliam. op. cit.. p. 317.
61- Giovanni Villani, op. cit.. p. 191.
62- Sedgwick. op. cit. L pp. 395-8.
63- Giovanni Villanrij. op. cit., p. 194.
64- [bid., pp. 205-6.

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65- [bid. pp. 20S9.
66- [bid. pp. 209-11.
67-Ibid,p 216.
68- Runciman, op.cit. p. 319.
69- [bn Wasil, op. cit pp. 248-51 (Arabic text).
70- Runciman, op. cit. ifi. p. 319. Ibu Wasil, op. cit. IV, p. 248.
71- Sedgwick. op. cit.. pp. 60-1.
72- Giovanni Villani. op. cit.. pp. 228-9.
73- [bid, pp. 229-30.
74- Sedgwiclc. op. cit. IT. p. 62.
75- Tout, op. cit., p. 486.
76- Giovanni Villani, op. cit.. p. 233.
77- Sedgwick, op. cit.. p. 50.
78- Giovanni Villani. op. cit.. 234-6.
79- Sedgwick. op. cit.. II. pp. 65-7.
80- Giovanni Villani. op. cit. pp. 240 if.
81- Housley, N.. The Italian Crusades. Oxford. 1982, p. 19.